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The Samajwadi Party’s renewed focus on Brahmin issues also comes at a time when it has been trying to consolidate its political gains from recent elections
Akhilesh Yadav has been advocating the PDA formula — Pichhda, Dalit and Alpsankhyak (Backward, Dalit and Minority) — as the party’s central political plank since the 2022 election. (PTI)
Is the Samajwadi Party moving beyond its traditional M-Y (Muslim-Yadav) formula to woo Brahmins ahead of the 2027 Uttar Pradesh assembly elections? The question has begun to echo in the state’s political corridors after Leader of Opposition Mata Prasad Pandey made a striking appeal to the Brahmin community during an event in Ayodhya on March 9.
“Brahmins are frightened by the government’s authoritarian attitude. They must unite and make Akhilesh Yadav the chief minister in 2027 so that their lost honour can be restored,” Pandey said in a remark that has sparked debate about whether the Samajwadi Party is attempting to expand its social base beyond the Muslim-Yadav coalition that has defined its politics for decades.
However, this was not the first time that the signals of this outreach appeared on any political platform. In the Uttar Pradesh Assembly, SP MLA Kamal Akhtar demanded that April 19, the birth anniversary of Lord Parashuram, be declared a public holiday again, saying such a holiday existed during the SP government but was withdrawn later. The demand was framed as an issue of respect for the Brahmin community, and it reflected a broader trend where SP leaders have begun raising Brahmin-related concerns during legislative debates as well as in public meetings across districts.
Political observers believe two developments have played an important role in shaping this emerging narrative. The first was the controversy during Magh Mela earlier this year when police stopped the palanquin of Swami Avimukteshwaranand from proceeding towards the Sangam for ritual bathing. The incident triggered protests and clashes between disciples and police personnel, and images circulated widely showing a young disciple being dragged by his hair tuft during the scuffle. The episode created resentment among sections of the Brahmin community and soon turned into a political flashpoint, with opposition leaders accusing the government of disrespecting religious figures.
The second issue relates to new guidelines notified by the University Grants Commission aimed at preventing caste discrimination in higher educational institutions. Some upper-caste student groups criticised the rules, arguing that they could create a perception that general category students are inherently discriminatory.
The Samajwadi Party’s renewed focus on Brahmin issues also comes at a time when it has been trying to consolidate its political gains from recent elections. In the 2017 Uttar Pradesh assembly elections, the party had been reduced to just 47 seats. However, in the 2022 assembly election, the SP-led alliance secured 125 seats and emerged as the principal opposition in the state. Its vote share also increased significantly, reaching around 32 per cent compared with about 21.8 per cent in 2017. Much of this growth was attributed to consolidation among OBC, Muslim and sections of Dalit voters.
Akhilesh Yadav has been advocating the PDA formula — Pichhda, Dalit and Alpsankhyak (Backward, Dalit and Minority) — as the party’s central political plank since the 2022 election. However, the current emphasis on Brahmin concerns indicates that the party may be attempting to broaden its coalition while maintaining its traditional support base. After the Magh Mela controversy, Akhilesh Yadav reportedly spoke to Shankaracharya Avimukteshwaranand, while several SP MPs and MLAs have been raising the issue publicly and criticising the government led by Yogi Adityanath.
Political analyst Shashikant Pandey, who heads the department of political science at Dr Bhimrao Ambedkar University, Lucknow, believes that the Samajwadi Party is attempting a strategic expansion rather than abandoning its core formula.
“The SP’s M-Y base remains intact and central to its politics. However, the party understands that to challenge the BJP in a major way, it must widen its social coalition. Reaching out to Brahmins is part of that effort. The recent controversies have provided a political opportunity for the opposition to highlight grievances within sections of the upper-caste electorate,” he said.
Despite this outreach, electoral history suggests that Brahmin voters have rarely supported the Samajwadi Party in large numbers. The community, which accounts for roughly 10-12 per cent of Uttar Pradesh’s population, remained largely aligned with the Congress until the late 2000s before shifting decisively toward the BJP. Election data highlights this trend: in the 2017 assembly election, the BJP received about 83 per cent of Brahmin votes, and in both the 2019 Lok Sabha and 2022 assembly elections, the figure was close to 89 per cent. Even in the 2024 Lok Sabha election, only one Brahmin MP was elected among the SP’s 37 winning candidates.
For the Samajwadi Party, therefore, the challenge lies in retaining its traditional Muslim-Yadav base while persuading Brahmin voters that the party can represent their interests as well. Party leaders often cite the legacy of former chief minister Mulayam Singh Yadav, who maintained close relations with prominent Brahmin leaders such as Janeshwar Mishra, to argue that the party has always had space for upper-caste leadership. Whether the current outreach will translate into electoral gains remains uncertain, but as the 2027 Uttar Pradesh assembly election approaches, the contest for the Brahmin vote appears to be emerging trend in poll-bound UP.
March 14, 2026, 16:27 IST
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